Why Vaccine Mandates May Backfire

Here is a paradox you may have lived through without registering it. In the first year of the COVID-19 pandemic, before vaccines existed, people were willing to tolerate astonishing levels of government restriction. Lockdowns. Mask orders. School closures. Curfews. Then the vaccines arrived, and something strange happened. Trust started to crack.
By 2021, many countries had shifted from encouraging vaccination to requiring it. Vaccine passports became the price of entry for a restaurant meal, a flight, a job. The logic seemed obvious: if vaccines work, mandating them should save lives. But a group of researchers from the University of Edinburgh, the University of Haifa, and the University of Oxford decided to ask a different question. What if the logic was backward? What if mandates themselves were causing the very thing they were meant to prevent?
Kevin Bardosh, Alex de Figueiredo, Rachel Gur Arie, and Euzebiusz Jamrozik published their analysis in BMJ Global Health in 2022. They did not conduct a new experiment. Instead, they assembled a framework drawing on behavioral psychology, political science, law, and epidemiology. Their conclusion was uncomfortable. Mandates, passports, and vaccination based restrictions, they argued, may produce more societal harm than good (Bardosh et al., 2022).
This is not an anti vaccine paper. It is a paper about what happens when public health tools become blunt instruments.
The Psychology of Reactance

Why Telling People They Must Do Something Makes Them Want to Do the Opposite
The first domain the authors examined was behavioral psychology. They drew on a well established concept called psychological reactance. When people feel their freedom is being taken away, they push back. This is not irrational. It is a predictable human response.
Bardosh and colleagues pointed out that mandates can turn a voluntary health behavior into a political identity. Before mandates, getting a vaccine was a choice many people made because they trusted their doctor or wanted to protect their grandmother. After mandates, the same act became a symbol of compliance or defiance. The authors wrote that mandates may "reduce the uptake of future public health measures, including COVID-19 vaccines as well as routine immunisations" (Bardosh et al., 2022). In other words, forcing someone to get one shot may make them less likely to get any shot later.
The mechanism is simple. Mandates create winners and losers. People who are already hesitant become more entrenched. People who were neutral become suspicious. And people who complied under duress may resent the experience, which erodes their trust in the institutions that demanded it.
The Boomerang Effect
There is a specific phenomenon the authors flagged called the boomerang effect. This is when a policy intended to change behavior actually strengthens the opposite behavior. In smoking cessation campaigns, for example, overly aggressive anti smoking ads sometimes made smokers feel stigmatized and defensive, which increased their smoking.
Bardosh et al. suggested that vaccine mandates could trigger a similar dynamic. If you tell someone they cannot enter a grocery store without proof of vaccination, they do not necessarily go get vaccinated. They may find alternative stores. They may lie. They may simply stop trusting the public health system entirely. The authors argued that restricting access to work, education, public transport, and social life based on vaccination status "promotes stigma and social polarisation" (Bardosh et al., 2022). That polarisation is not a side effect. It is the mechanism by which mandates can backfire.
The Political Trap

How Mandates Turned Public Health into a Culture War
Before COVID 19, vaccine mandates were rare in democratic countries. They were used for specific, high risk situations like healthcare workers facing hepatitis B or children entering school for measles. The public generally accepted these because the diseases were well understood and the mandates were narrow.
COVID 19 mandates were different. They were population wide. They applied to adults. They covered activities that had nothing to do with disease transmission, like buying groceries or flying to see family.
Bardosh and colleagues argued that this expansion created a political trap. Once a government mandates a vaccine, it cannot easily back down. If cases rise despite high vaccination rates, the government must either admit the mandate was unnecessary or impose even more restrictions. Neither option builds trust. The authors wrote that these policies may have "detrimental long term impacts on trust in government and scientific institutions" (Bardosh et al., 2022).
The Legitimacy Problem
Public health policies work best when the public perceives them as legitimate. Legitimacy comes from transparency, proportionality, and evidence. Mandates, the authors suggested, often fail all three tests.
Transparency was undermined because the evidence for mandates was evolving in real time. Early in the pandemic, vaccines were shown to reduce transmission significantly. By mid 2021, with the Delta variant, the picture became more complicated. Vaccinated people could still spread the virus. Mandates based on transmission reduction became harder to justify. But the policies remained.
Proportionality was also questionable. The authors noted that restricting someone's ability to work or attend school is one of the most powerful interventions a government can make. Using that power for a vaccine that reduces severe disease but does not fully prevent infection requires careful justification. Bardosh et al. argued that the evidence did not support such broad restrictions.
The Socioeconomic Fault Line
Who Gets Hurt Most When You Mandate a Vaccine
This section of the paper is the most uncomfortable because it forces a reckoning with inequality.
Vaccine mandates do not affect everyone equally. They affect people who cannot get vaccinated for medical reasons. They affect people who have religious or philosophical objections. But they also affect people who are simply poor, marginalized, or disconnected from healthcare systems.
Bardosh and colleagues pointed out that mandates can widen health and economic inequalities. If you lose your job because you are unvaccinated, you lose your income. If you lose your income, you lose access to healthcare. If you lose access to healthcare, you become more vulnerable to all diseases, not just COVID 19. The authors called this a "widening of health and economic inequalities" (Bardosh et al., 2022).
The Unvaccinated Poor
Consider a concrete example. A low wage worker in a city with a vaccine passport system cannot enter a restaurant without proof of vaccination. They may not have time to get vaccinated because they work multiple jobs. They may not have reliable internet to book an appointment. They may not speak the language used by the booking system. The mandate does not help them get vaccinated. It just excludes them from public life.
The authors argued that this exclusion is harmful in itself. But it also creates a perverse incentive. If you are already struggling to survive, being denied access to public transport or a job does not make you more likely to get vaccinated. It makes you more likely to resent the system that excluded you. That resentment can spill over into other forms of public health compliance.
The Integrity of Science and Public Health
When Evidence Gets Weaponized
The fourth domain Bardosh and colleagues examined was the integrity of science itself. They argued that vaccine mandates created a situation where scientific evidence became politicized in ways that damaged the credibility of public health institutions.
Here is how it works. When a government mandates a vaccine, it implicitly claims that the vaccine is safe and effective enough to justify coercion. If new evidence emerges that challenges that claim, the government faces a dilemma. It can update its policy based on the evidence, which looks like an admission of error. Or it can ignore the evidence, which damages scientific integrity. Either way, trust erodes.
The authors noted that this dynamic was visible during the Omicron wave. Data showed that vaccine effectiveness against infection dropped significantly. But many mandate policies remained in place. The gap between evidence and policy became a source of public confusion and cynicism.
The Problem of Overclaiming
There was also a problem of overclaiming. Public health officials sometimes presented the benefits of mandates in ways that were not supported by the evidence. For example, they claimed that mandates were necessary to protect the healthcare system. But the authors pointed out that the relationship between vaccination rates and hospital burden was complex. High vaccination rates did reduce severe disease, but they did not eliminate it. And mandates themselves could create new burdens on the healthcare system by increasing distrust and reducing uptake of other preventive measures.
Bardosh et al. wrote that "current mandatory vaccine policies are scientifically questionable" (Bardosh et al., 2022). That is a strong statement from a group of researchers who are not opposed to vaccination. They are opposed to using coercion where it is not clearly justified.
What the Research Does Not Prove
This is an important section. The paper by Bardosh and colleagues is a framework, not a randomized controlled trial. It presents hypotheses. It does not prove that mandates caused more harm than good in every context. The authors themselves acknowledged this. They called for more research.
What the paper does is shift the burden of proof. Before this analysis, the default assumption among many policymakers was that mandates were a net positive unless proven otherwise. Bardosh et al. argued that the opposite should be true. Given the potential for harm, mandates should require strong evidence of benefit. That evidence, they suggested, was lacking.
The paper also does not claim that voluntary vaccination is useless. It does not deny that vaccines saved lives. It does not say that all mandates are always bad. It says that population wide mandates for a respiratory virus with waning immunity and breakthrough transmission are a different category from school entry mandates for measles. The authors wanted policymakers to treat them that way.
What This Actually Means
- ▸Mandates can create psychological reactance that reduces overall vaccine uptake, not just for COVID 19 but for routine immunizations as well. Policymakers should weigh the short term gains in vaccination rates against the long term damage to trust.
- ▸The political dynamics of mandates make them difficult to reverse even when evidence changes. Governments should build sunset clauses and review mechanisms into any mandatory policy so that it can be adjusted as data evolves.
- ▸Mandates disproportionately harm marginalized populations who already face barriers to healthcare. Any policy that restricts access to work, education, or public transport should be evaluated for its impact on inequality, not just its impact on infection rates.
- ▸The integrity of public health science depends on honesty about the limits of vaccines. Overclaiming the benefits of mandates to justify coercion erodes the credibility of scientific institutions for years to come.
- ▸Empowering strategies based on trust, consultation, and improved healthcare infrastructure are likely to be more sustainable than mandates. The authors argued that these approaches should be the default, with mandates reserved only for the most narrowly justified circumstances.
The paper by Bardosh, de Figueiredo, Gur Arie, and Jamrozik is not a comfortable read for anyone who believed that mandates were an obvious solution. But that is precisely why it matters. Public health is not about being comfortable. It is about being honest about what works, what does not, and what the tradeoffs really are.
References
- [1]Kevin Bardosh, Alex de Figueiredo, Rachel Gur‐Arie, Euzebiusz Jamrozik (2022). The unintended consequences of COVID-19 vaccine policy: why mandates, passports and restrictions may cause more harm than good. BMJ Global HealthDOI· 308 citations
