The Milk That Went Nowhere

In the spring of 2020, dairy farmers in Wisconsin and New York began dumping thousands of gallons of fresh milk down the drain. Not because the milk was bad. Not because people stopped wanting it. Because the system that moves milk from cow to cereal bowl had simply stopped working. Grocery store shelves were stripped bare of dairy, while farmers watched their product become a waste hazard.
This was the paradox at the heart of the COVID 19 pandemic, and it revealed something most of us had never considered: the global food supply chain is not a sturdy pipeline. It is a web of just in time connections, fragile as dried twigs. When the pandemic hit, those twigs snapped.
A 2020 review by Serpil Aday and Mehmet Seçkin Aday, published in Food Quality and Safety, mapped exactly what broke and why. The authors synthesized evidence from the early months of the pandemic to show that COVID 19 did not just disrupt the food supply chain. It attacked every link in the chain simultaneously, from the farmer planting seeds to the cashier scanning your groceries (Aday & Aday, 2020).
Why a Pandemic Is Different from a Hurricane

Food supply chains are built to handle localized shocks. A hurricane hits Florida, and citrus shipments reroute. A drought shrinks the wheat harvest in Australia, and buyers switch to Canadian grain. These are regional problems with regional solutions.
COVID 19 was different. It was a global shock that hit every link everywhere at once.
“The common point of pandemics is their serious negative effects on the global economy,” Aday and Aday wrote. But the authors made a critical distinction: previous pandemics did not shut down the movement of food workers and products on a planetary scale. COVID 19 did. The result was a cascade of failures that the system had never been designed to withstand.
The authors reviewed evidence from government reports, industry data, and academic studies published between January and June 2020. They did not run their own experiments. Instead, they synthesized what was already happening in real time, creating a map of vulnerabilities that most people, including many in the food industry, had not seen clearly before.
The Worker Who Wasn't Allowed to Work

The most immediate break in the chain was labor. Food production depends on people moving. Seasonal farmworkers travel across borders. Truck drivers haul produce between states. Meatpacking workers stand shoulder to shoulder in processing plants.
When countries imposed lockdowns and travel restrictions, those workers could not move. “Movement restrictions of workers” was the first domino Aday and Aday identified (Aday & Aday, 2020). In the United States, H 2A visa processing slowed to a crawl. In Europe, borders closed, stranding thousands of seasonal harvesters. In India, the sudden national lockdown left migrant farmworkers stranded on highways, walking hundreds of miles home.
The authors found that this was not just a farm problem. Processing facilities, particularly meat and poultry plants, became hotspots for COVID 19 outbreaks. Workers could not socially distance on a slaughterhouse line. Plants shut down. When a single facility processes a significant share of a country’s pork or chicken, one closure ripples through the entire supply chain.
Meanwhile, demand shifted in ways that made no logistical sense. Restaurants closed, so the bulk packaging and distribution channels for food service evaporated. Grocery stores stayed open, but they needed different packaging, different portion sizes, different delivery routes. The authors noted that “changes in demand of consumers” forced suppliers to scramble, and many simply could not pivot fast enough (Aday & Aday, 2020).
The Hoarding That Broke the Algorithm
Consumers did not help. In March 2020, panic buying emptied shelves of rice, pasta, canned goods, and toilet paper. This was not irrational. It was a rational response to an uncertain threat. But the food supply chain is not built for sudden demand spikes of 300 percent on a handful of items.
The authors pointed out that most food supply chains operate on lean inventory models. Warehouses hold just enough stock to cover a few days or weeks of normal demand. This is efficient. It minimizes waste and storage costs. But it has no slack. When demand surged, the system had no buffer. “Closure of food production facilities” combined with panic buying to create empty shelves that looked like shortages, even though there was plenty of food in the system (Aday & Aday, 2020).
The real shortage was not food. It was packaging and logistics. Rice was available in bulk silos. But the bags and boxes needed to sell it in grocery stores were not. The trucks to move it were not where they needed to be. The workers to load those trucks were sick or furloughed.
The Trade War Nobody Declared
Then came the policy failures. As the pandemic spread, several countries imposed export restrictions on food. Vietnam halted new rice export contracts. Russia limited grain exports. Kazakhstan banned wheat flour exports. These were framed as measures to protect domestic food security. But they had the opposite effect.
Aday and Aday warned that “food protectionist policies should be avoided to prevent an increase in food prices” (Aday & Aday, 2020). When one country restricts exports, importing countries panic and start buying up whatever they can. Prices spike. The authors found that this dynamic, combined with currency fluctuations and reduced purchasing power in developing nations, created a situation where food was available in some places but unaffordable in others.
The authors were clear: this was not a food production crisis. Global harvests in 2020 were largely normal. The problem was distribution. And distribution problems are policy problems.
What the Research Does Not Prove
The Aday and Aday review has a limitation that the authors acknowledged. It was written in the early months of the pandemic, before long term data was available. The authors could describe the immediate shocks, but they could not yet measure the lasting damage. They did not know, for example, how many small farms would go bankrupt. They could not predict whether the shift to online grocery shopping would persist after lockdowns ended.
The review also focused primarily on the food supply chain in developed countries. The authors noted that “small farmers or vulnerable people should be supported financially,” but they did not have enough data to specify how the pandemic affected subsistence farmers in low income nations (Aday & Aday, 2020). That question remains open, and later research has confirmed that the impacts were indeed more severe in poorer countries with weaker social safety nets.
What the review does prove is that the food supply chain was not prepared for a global synchronous shock. The vulnerabilities were not hidden. They were built into the design of just in time logistics, cross border labor flows, and concentrated processing facilities. The pandemic simply exposed them.
The Farm That Couldn't Find a Buyer
One of the most striking findings in the review is how the disruption cascaded backward. A restaurant closure in New York did not just hurt the restaurant. It hurt the distributor who supplied the restaurant. Which hurt the processor who packaged the food. Which hurt the farmer who grew the produce.
The authors described a system where “financial pressures in food supply chain” rippled from consumer to producer (Aday & Aday, 2020). Farmers who had contracts with food service distributors suddenly had no buyers. They could not pivot to grocery stores overnight, because grocery stores required different packaging, different certifications, different volumes. Some farmers plowed their crops back into the soil. Others let fields rot.
This was not waste born of malice. It was waste born of rigidity. The supply chain had no flexibility to redirect food from one channel to another. Aday and Aday argued that “the supply chain also should be flexible enough to respond to the challenges” (Aday & Aday, 2020). But flexibility costs money. Just in time systems are cheap until they break.
What This Actually Means
The Aday and Aday review was published in June 2020. It was a snapshot of a system in collapse. But it also contained a set of recommendations that, if followed, could make the food supply chain more resilient to the next shock. Here is what the evidence actually tells us:
- ▸Governments must treat food workers as essential infrastructure, not just in rhetoric but in policy. When borders close, farmworkers and truck drivers need exemptions and support. The authors found that movement restrictions were the single most disruptive factor in the early pandemic. That is a policy choice, not a law of nature.
- ▸Small farmers and vulnerable populations need direct financial support during disruptions. The authors recommended this explicitly. The alternative is that small producers go under, and the food system becomes even more concentrated in the hands of a few large corporations.
- ▸Facilities must redesign work to protect employee health, not just for ethics but for continuity. Meatpacking plants that failed to protect workers ended up shutting down entirely. The cost of prevention was lower than the cost of closure.
- ▸Food protectionist policies, like export bans, make the crisis worse. They spike global prices and hurt the poorest countries. The authors advised against them. The data supports that advice.
- ▸The supply chain needs slack. Redundancy is expensive, but so is collapse. A system that can flex between food service and retail channels, that holds buffer stocks of critical items, that has backup labor sources, is a system that does not break when the next pandemic or hurricane or cyberattack arrives.
The milk that went down the drain in 2020 was a symptom. The disease was a global food system optimized for efficiency at the expense of resilience. Aday and Aday did not just describe the breakage. They named the parts that need to be rebuilt. The question is whether we will rebuild them before the next break.
References
- [1]Serpil Aday, Mehmet Seçkin Aday (2020). Impact of COVID-19 on the food supply chain. Food Quality and SafetyDOI· 958 citations
